Advertisement (not payed):
Country in Central Europe in longterm political crises and awaiting deep economical downturn is looking for capable and active Prime Minister.
Tasks:
- to introduce unpopular reforms, especialy clean mess in health care, education and state budget
- to prepare detailed plan of introducing euro, which will be realistic one
- to stabilize political situation to extent that will be possible to anticipate what will happen next month
- to calm down foreign investors
- to beat popular and populistic leader of opposition to his total defeat
- to secure victory for party which will nominate him in next elections (whenever they might be)
Qualifications and experience required:
- basic education
- ability to keep mouth shut about manipulations behind scenes even after fourth beer of third barack palinka
- ability to act quickly without deeper thoughts about problems
- loyalty to team of advisors which will be nominated by someone else
- a great respect towards minorities, especialy Roma, pensioners, members of trade unions, women, Greens, journialists and economists
Offer:
- remuneration according to state approved bureaucratic postcommunist system of salaries
- fixed term contract
- office with nice view on important European river
- a routine press conferencies with very curious journalists
- cordial hatred of public and political partners, which could be demonstrated either as throwed egg, or as publishing of intimate details from family life or from communist secret police archives
- Audi A8 as business car (with driver)
Referencies:
- Mirek Topolánek, nabrezi Edvarda Beneše 4, Prague 1
- Ferenc Gyurcsány, Kossuth tér 1-3, Budapest
Hungarian version of this advertisement see blog: http://tudtad.blog.hu
Thanks to Andras for translating for me Hungarian original, which I expanded for general Central European purposes after (a little bit unexpected) events in Prague.
středa 25. března 2009
Czech crisis explained with personal details
Some friends from Poland, Macedonia, Brussels and elswhere has asked me what will happen now in Czech Republic after government was voted out. To a big extent result of vote in parliament was surprise to everybody, therefore there is still not clear plan B. The most probable scenario is that government will govern in demission until the end of Czech EU presidency and meanwhile both biggest political parties, Topolanek's ODS and oposition social democrats (CSSD) will find any agreement on untimely elections. At least, this is wish of Mr. Paroubek, head of social democrats.
Many depends on what will president Klaus do and also what party ODS do, because due to constitution, there are three chances to form government, but without clear deadlines, therefore government in demission could govern many, many months.
For Topolanek and ODS would be better to have untimely elections this summer, popularity is rising due to EU presidency, seen in Czechia more less like success.
For Paroubek, autumn or spring next year are better and meanwhile there might be, according to his plan (supported most probably by president) some kind of weak ODS government or simple technical cabinet which will not be able to make any important decisions about privatisations or reforms in health care or anything like that.
Problem is that there is not clear majority in parliament, thereforem for solution there is necessary both big parties to agree on (to have early elections is very hard to agree technically). Tuesday's vote was result of rebellion of two Green party MPs (two ladies) and two ODS dissidents, one of them, Vlastimil Tlusty, was even minister in the first Topolanek government, but they disaggreed. Rumours say that present fiance and mother of his son, also MP from ODS, was previously fiance of Mr. Tlusty, then you can guess about real personal reasons behind that.
Other ODS dissident voice, Jan Schwippel, has decided after talk with President Klaus, who is opposing proEU stance of Mr. Topolanek and they also personaly disaggree on many things (and Mom of Mr. Schwippel, who was advising him, is head of ODS local bureau at region where Mr. Tlusty is from)
As result, you can see that failure of government is result of weak majority and rebellion inside government camp, not result of any consistent policy of leftist opposition.
Many depends on what will president Klaus do and also what party ODS do, because due to constitution, there are three chances to form government, but without clear deadlines, therefore government in demission could govern many, many months.
For Topolanek and ODS would be better to have untimely elections this summer, popularity is rising due to EU presidency, seen in Czechia more less like success.
For Paroubek, autumn or spring next year are better and meanwhile there might be, according to his plan (supported most probably by president) some kind of weak ODS government or simple technical cabinet which will not be able to make any important decisions about privatisations or reforms in health care or anything like that.
Problem is that there is not clear majority in parliament, thereforem for solution there is necessary both big parties to agree on (to have early elections is very hard to agree technically). Tuesday's vote was result of rebellion of two Green party MPs (two ladies) and two ODS dissidents, one of them, Vlastimil Tlusty, was even minister in the first Topolanek government, but they disaggreed. Rumours say that present fiance and mother of his son, also MP from ODS, was previously fiance of Mr. Tlusty, then you can guess about real personal reasons behind that.
Other ODS dissident voice, Jan Schwippel, has decided after talk with President Klaus, who is opposing proEU stance of Mr. Topolanek and they also personaly disaggree on many things (and Mom of Mr. Schwippel, who was advising him, is head of ODS local bureau at region where Mr. Tlusty is from)
As result, you can see that failure of government is result of weak majority and rebellion inside government camp, not result of any consistent policy of leftist opposition.
čtvrtek 12. března 2009
Bruno in Latvia, or optimistic story from crisis
Optimistic news from the midst of crisis: his name is Bruno Medveckis, is about forty years old, has bold head and real azbuka tatoo on his left hand and is not smiling. He drives taxi in Riga and speaks in one words. "Ponjal," said in Russian beign said address. "Understand."
But he did not understand and went to other place. When we clarified where I want to go, he has switched off taxameter and he drove to right place, switching taxameter properly during drive at place where he should go if he understood properly earlier. He was driving like crazy, very quickly, so my appointment was not so late. Price was ok, therefore I was shocked comparing Bruno's service with his Prague's colleagues.
Latvia has new government, which will try to save country. Estonia's Prime Minister has announced that introduction of euro is possible next year and Lithuania's politicians are fighting againts rumours about devaluation. Three Baltic countries with three open and formerly skyrocketing economies are approaching crisis differently, because of policies of their elites during last twenty years.
It is kind of model for all Europe. Even we are in the EU, our problems are slightly different. We like to consider ourselves Central, not Eastern Europe. Latvia has 15th government since regaining independence in 1991. Cuts in budget will be very painful, people got used to high standards (and loans). The same with Estonians, but difference is that - even in Estonia governments are changing quite rapidly - there is wider "economical" consensus on what is right to do. This is why Estonia has special fund from better times and no prospect of bancruptcy, even also Estonian budget is cutting for ten percent.
Baltics are kind of experimental model for the rest of EU. Flat tax, quick growth, open economies, now deep fall. Different nations, different approaches. I would wish success to all of them, their countries are very nice, but political style and leadership is totally different - and also chances to succeed in times of crisis.
New prime minister Valdis Dombrovskis has told me just hard words about future cuts and that he is prepared to be very unpopular politician (see video here). Mood is gloomy among Latvians.
But hope survives even in Latvia, where now many people just shut their mouthes and they are counting (falling) salaries and (almost nonexistent) savings and they try to figure out how to survive crisis storm.
This is why: When I was leaving Riga to airport at very early in the morning, hotel receptionist ordered taxi. Guess who was waiting for me at 4,30 a.m.. Bruno. He did not smiled, just put my suitcase in car. I put a safety belt and I was regretting that I got up so early. Normal time to Riga's airport is about half an hour, Bruno made it in fifteen minutes. And for half price of what I had paid three days earlier coming to Riga during late night flight.
The trust, the most questioned economic virtue of this global crisis, the belive that Latvians's entrepeneurial spirits survives, has remained in my head as well as business card with Bruno's mobile number in my pocket. Next time going to Riga, I call Bruno in advance.
But he did not understand and went to other place. When we clarified where I want to go, he has switched off taxameter and he drove to right place, switching taxameter properly during drive at place where he should go if he understood properly earlier. He was driving like crazy, very quickly, so my appointment was not so late. Price was ok, therefore I was shocked comparing Bruno's service with his Prague's colleagues.
Latvia has new government, which will try to save country. Estonia's Prime Minister has announced that introduction of euro is possible next year and Lithuania's politicians are fighting againts rumours about devaluation. Three Baltic countries with three open and formerly skyrocketing economies are approaching crisis differently, because of policies of their elites during last twenty years.
It is kind of model for all Europe. Even we are in the EU, our problems are slightly different. We like to consider ourselves Central, not Eastern Europe. Latvia has 15th government since regaining independence in 1991. Cuts in budget will be very painful, people got used to high standards (and loans). The same with Estonians, but difference is that - even in Estonia governments are changing quite rapidly - there is wider "economical" consensus on what is right to do. This is why Estonia has special fund from better times and no prospect of bancruptcy, even also Estonian budget is cutting for ten percent.
Baltics are kind of experimental model for the rest of EU. Flat tax, quick growth, open economies, now deep fall. Different nations, different approaches. I would wish success to all of them, their countries are very nice, but political style and leadership is totally different - and also chances to succeed in times of crisis.
New prime minister Valdis Dombrovskis has told me just hard words about future cuts and that he is prepared to be very unpopular politician (see video here). Mood is gloomy among Latvians.
But hope survives even in Latvia, where now many people just shut their mouthes and they are counting (falling) salaries and (almost nonexistent) savings and they try to figure out how to survive crisis storm.
This is why: When I was leaving Riga to airport at very early in the morning, hotel receptionist ordered taxi. Guess who was waiting for me at 4,30 a.m.. Bruno. He did not smiled, just put my suitcase in car. I put a safety belt and I was regretting that I got up so early. Normal time to Riga's airport is about half an hour, Bruno made it in fifteen minutes. And for half price of what I had paid three days earlier coming to Riga during late night flight.
The trust, the most questioned economic virtue of this global crisis, the belive that Latvians's entrepeneurial spirits survives, has remained in my head as well as business card with Bruno's mobile number in my pocket. Next time going to Riga, I call Bruno in advance.
středa 4. března 2009
Aftercrisis EU and future of Mr. Klaus
Preparing for trip to Riga, where new government is forming to tackle the crisis, I was wondering about heated debate from last week about new border lines in Europe - who is what from which perspective. Recent crisis has shown that new, undrawn border is emerging as well as we can expect that European union after this crisis will be different.
Undrawn border has name the euro. Common currency seems to play a role of nongeopolitical buffer zone between West and East and as proof for that we can use for example plea of Hungarian Prime Minister to ease Maastricht criteria or promises of Latvian politicians to stick with lat pegged to euro with all unpleasant consequencies like higher taxes and lower salaries in state sector. For the first time since divison of Czechoslovakia Slovaks could feel better protected from outside storm than Czechs and for the first time Poland - with exception of Kaczynski twins - is really persuading itself that national currency is not sacred cow.
But what is emerging from all the mess is a necessity to change the approach from EU perspective. There is nice piece about euroscepticism and crisis times from Gideon Rachman in Financial Times (read here) to which I would only add that one of collateral results of nowadays crisis management could be new EU architecture: more united Europe.
Consequencies are unpredictable. I had pleasure to explain to group of Catalan journalists Czech debate which was quite uneasy: Spain benefited from EU membership enourmously, doubters are only among hardline nationalists in Basque country, therefore for them was not understandable why these Czechs are not so ethusiastic about EU project.
We are not all Vaclav Klaus, this is the first point. Second, for forty years we had been receiving orders from Moscow, before that from Berlin, before that twenty years of freedom and before that 300 years from Vienna. I hope that this could at least partialy explain why we are so suspicious to anybody who tryes to impose any directive upon us and why we are looking at Brussels very carefuly even with argument that "Brussels" includes also ourselves. We know ourselves, so it even more suspicious.
Czech are commited to EU project, but we do not like to show too much enthusiasm for that (Poles call this "dirty Czech pragmatism"). But new aftercrisis situation with possibly more centralised EU governance mechanisms, more tied eurozone will be new challenge not only for our eurorealism and pragmatism, but for the whole Europe. And, fortunately, Mr. Klaus does not have chance to be elected again our president - he is serving his second and last term under present constitution. But discussions about direct presidentical elections - and change of constitution - are emerging.
But what about to offer him some interesting EU post in the new European architecture? Special envoy for climate change or special lecturer on populist affairs?
Undrawn border has name the euro. Common currency seems to play a role of nongeopolitical buffer zone between West and East and as proof for that we can use for example plea of Hungarian Prime Minister to ease Maastricht criteria or promises of Latvian politicians to stick with lat pegged to euro with all unpleasant consequencies like higher taxes and lower salaries in state sector. For the first time since divison of Czechoslovakia Slovaks could feel better protected from outside storm than Czechs and for the first time Poland - with exception of Kaczynski twins - is really persuading itself that national currency is not sacred cow.
But what is emerging from all the mess is a necessity to change the approach from EU perspective. There is nice piece about euroscepticism and crisis times from Gideon Rachman in Financial Times (read here) to which I would only add that one of collateral results of nowadays crisis management could be new EU architecture: more united Europe.
Consequencies are unpredictable. I had pleasure to explain to group of Catalan journalists Czech debate which was quite uneasy: Spain benefited from EU membership enourmously, doubters are only among hardline nationalists in Basque country, therefore for them was not understandable why these Czechs are not so ethusiastic about EU project.
We are not all Vaclav Klaus, this is the first point. Second, for forty years we had been receiving orders from Moscow, before that from Berlin, before that twenty years of freedom and before that 300 years from Vienna. I hope that this could at least partialy explain why we are so suspicious to anybody who tryes to impose any directive upon us and why we are looking at Brussels very carefuly even with argument that "Brussels" includes also ourselves. We know ourselves, so it even more suspicious.
Czech are commited to EU project, but we do not like to show too much enthusiasm for that (Poles call this "dirty Czech pragmatism"). But new aftercrisis situation with possibly more centralised EU governance mechanisms, more tied eurozone will be new challenge not only for our eurorealism and pragmatism, but for the whole Europe. And, fortunately, Mr. Klaus does not have chance to be elected again our president - he is serving his second and last term under present constitution. But discussions about direct presidentical elections - and change of constitution - are emerging.
But what about to offer him some interesting EU post in the new European architecture? Special envoy for climate change or special lecturer on populist affairs?
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